Climate Policy

We estimate the potential synergy between pollution and climate control in the U.S. and China, summarizing the results as emissions cross-elasticities of control. We set a range of NOx and SO2 targets, and record the ancillary reduction in CO2 to calculate the percentage change in CO2 divided by the percentage change in NOx (SO2) denoted as ECO2,NOx (ECO2,SO2). Then we conduct the opposite experiment, setting targets for CO2 and recording the ancillary reduction in NOx and SO2 to compute ENOx,CO2 and ESO2,CO2. For ECO2,NOx and ECO2,SO2 we find low values (0.06"’0.23) in both countries with small (10%) reduction targets that rise to 0.40"’0.67 in the U.S. and 0.83"’1.03 in China when targets are more stringent (75% reduction). This pattern reflects the availability of pollution control to target individual pollutants for smaller reductions but the need for wholesale change toward non-fossil technologies when large reductions are required. We trace the especially high cross elasticities in China to its higher dependence on coal. These results are promising in that China may have more incentive to greatly reduce SO2 and NOx with readily apparent pollution benefits in China, that at the same time would significantly reduce CO2 emissions. The majority of existing studies have focused on the effect of CO2 abatement on other pollutants, typically finding strong cross effects. We find similar strong effects but with less dependence on the stringency of control, and stronger effects in the U.S. than in China.

In this study, we estimate potential synergy between pollution and climate control in the U.S. and China and conduct a cross-country comparison. When measured as cross-emissions elasticity, ancillary CO2 abatement from unit % reduction of NOx and SO2 emissions is substantially greater in China under stringent targets, though comparable between the two countries under moderate targets. In contrast, NOx and SO2 abatement from unit % reduction of CO2 emissions is much greater in the U.S. than in China, regardless of the stringency of the policy shock. These results are primarily driven by China’s higher dependence on coal, as coal has larger unit emission-reduction effects than other fossil fuels and its intensive use creates more room for less costly fuel-switching and abatement options. In addition, pollution-abatement co-benefits of carbon mitigation tend to be greater than carbon-mitigation co-benefits of NOx and SO2 reduction in the U.S., while the opposite is the case for China. The relatively low pollution-abatement effects of carbon mitigation policy in China are primarily due to the expanded role of carbon capture and storage technology, which keeps coal from being crowded out of the energy market by reducing its carbon emission factors, but without affecting NOx and SO2 emissions. Our study suggests that some countries like China may consider it more appealing to pursue the synergy from a pollution-control perspective than from a carbon-mitigation standpoint, given the former’s greater synergistic effects. In this sense, future co-benefit studies need to pay more attention to carbon co-benefits of pollution abatement—the opposite logic of the currently dominant focus.

We improve on existing estimates of the carbon dioxide (CO2) content of consumption across regions of the United States. Using a multi-regional input-output (MRIO) framework, we estimate the direct and indirect CO2 emissions attributable to domestically and internationally imported goods. We include estimates of bilateral trade between US states as well as between individual states and international countries and regions. This report presents two major findings. First, attributing emissions to states on a consumption versus a production basis leads to very different state-level emissions responsibilities; for example, when attributed on a consumption basis, California's per capita emissions are over 25 percent higher than when attributed on a production basis. Second, when attributing emissions on a consumption basis, heterogeneity of emissions across trading partners significantly affects emissions intensity. These findings have important implications for evaluating the potential distributional impacts of national climate policies, as well as for understanding differing incentives to implement state- or regional-level policies.

What will large-scale global bioenergy production look like? We investigate this question by developing a detailed representation of bioenergy in a global economy-wide model. We develop a scenario with a global carbon dioxide price, applied to all anthropogenic emissions except those from land-use change, that rises from $15 per metric ton in 2015 to $59 in 2050. This creates market conditions favorable to biomass energy, resulting in global non-traditional bioenergy production of ~150 exajoules (EJ) in 2050. By comparison, in 2010 global energy production was primarily from coal (139 EJ), oil (175 EJ) and gas (108 EJ). With this policy, 2050 emissions are 16% less in our Base Policy case than our Reference case, although extending the scope of the carbon price to include emissions from land-use change would reduce 2050 emissions by 57% relative to the same baseline. Our results from various policy scenarios show that lignocellulosic (LC) ethanol may become the major form of bioenergy, if its production costs fall by amounts predicted in a recent survey and ethanol blending constraints disappear by 2030; however, if its costs remain higher than expected or the ethanol blend wall continues to bind, bioelectricity and bioheat may prevail. Higher LC ethanol costs may also result in expanded production of first-generation biofuels (ethanol from sugarcane and corn) so that they remain in the fuel mix through 2050. Deforestation occurs if emissions from landuse change are not priced, although the availability of biomass residues and improvements in crop yields and conversion efficiencies mitigate pressure on land markets. As regions are linked via international agricultural markets, irrespective of the location of bioenergy production, natural forest decreases are largest in regions with the lowest political constraints to deforestation. The combination of carbon price and bioenergy production increases food prices by 2.6%–4.7%, with bioenergy accounting for 1.3%–2.6%.

 

Be Cautious about Bioenergy, but Don't Rule It Out

Research commentary by Niven Winchester in response to the World Resources Institute report on biofuels and bioenergy.

A report published by the World Resources Institute (WRI) in January has reignited the old debate over biofuels and other forms of bioenergy, casting doubt on their climate benefits and effects on food availability. With recent low oil prices, and the EPA set to announce updated biofuel standards in the spring, the stakes for considering what role bioenergy will play in a sustainable future are higher than ever.

While the WRI report’s authors outline valid reasons to be cautious about bioenergy, the report contains misleading statements about the role of bioenergy in abating emissions.

The report claims that bioenergy made from fuel crops does not reduce direct carbon emissions because, say, diverting maize from food to ethanol does not result in additional absorption of carbon. While this is true, focusing on direct emissions is short-sighted because it doesn’t take into account the bigger picture of where energy comes from. Regardless of whether maize is used for food or fuel, emissions absorbed will end back into the atmosphere, mainly through respiration in the former and combustion in the latter. However, if maize is used for ethanol, it displaces oil and reduces carbon emissions.

If direct emissions were used to evaluate solar power, this technology would also be judged not to reduce carbon emissions, as no emissions are either stored or released when sunlight is converted to electricity. This is not to say that the carbon benefits from bioenergy are equal to the emissions from the fossil energy that it displaces. Growing bioenergy crops requires energy to plant, harvest and process, and may result in deforestation. Emissions from these activities reduce the carbon benefits of bioenergy, but there is still the potential for it to reduce emissions.

The report also claims that bioenergy analyses double-count land by assuming that biomass for other purposes, like food and lumber, continue to be met when land is used for bioenergy. In fact, studies that consider the economy-wide effects of bioenergy cultivation explicitly represent resource constraints, so land used for bioenergy cannot be used for other purposes. In these studies, as in the real world, increased demand for land to grow bioenergy crops will increase land prices.

The effects of the higher land prices propagate throughout the economy in several ways. Land may be used more intensively by, for example, developing new cultivars. On the other side of the equation, demand for food can be reduced through greater use of refrigeration and packaging to reduce food waste.

That is, incentives for bioenergy can drive efficiency improvements in crop production and use that allow food and fuel demands to be met using limited resources. These efficiency improvements come at a cost, but so do other carbon abatement options.

Bioenergy is not a “silver bullet” against climate change, has been over-hyped in some circles, and governments should guard against negative impacts on water and biodiversity. At the same time, bioenergy should not be erroneously excluded from our toolkit for fighting climate change, because we will need all the tools available to us.

Niven Winchester is an environmental energy economist at the Joint Program on the Science and Policy of Global Change. He is a coauthor of the recent report "The Contributions of Biomass to Emissions Mitigation under a Global Climate Policy."

Emissions trading systems are recognized as a cost-effective way to facilitate emissions abatement and are expected to play an important role in international cooperation for global climate mitigation. Starting from the planned linkage of the European Union’s Emissions Trading System with a new system in Australia in 2015, this paper simulates the impacts of expanding this international emissions market to include China and the US, which are respectively the largest and second largest carbon dioxide (CO2) emitters in the world. We find that including China and the US significantly impacts the price and the quantity of permits traded internationally. China exports emissions rights while other regions import permits. When China joins the EU-Australia/New Zealand (EU-ANZ) linked market, we find that the prevailing global carbon market price falls significantly, from $33 per ton of carbon dioxide (tCO2) to $11.2/tCO2. By contrast, adding the US to the EU-ANZ market increases the price to $46.1/tCO2. If both China and the US join the linked market, the market price of an emissions permit is $17.5/tCO2 and 608 million metric tons (mmt) are traded, compared to 93 mmt in the EU-ANZ scenario. The US and Australia would transfer, respectively, 55% and 78% of their domestic reduction burden to China (and a small amount to the EU) in return for a total transfer payment of $10.6 billion. International trading of emissions permits also leads to a redistribution of renewable energy production. When permit trading between all regions is considered, relative to when all carbon markets operate in isolation, renewable energy in China expands by more than 20% and shrinks by 48% and 90% in, respectively, the US and Australia-New Zealand. In all scenarios, global emissions are reduced by around 5% relative to a case without climate policies.

We assess the ability of global water systems, resolved at 282 assessment subregions (ASRs), to the meet water requirements under integrated projections of socioeconomic growth and climate change. We employ a water resource system (WRS) component embedded within the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Integrated Global System Model (IGSM) framework in a suite of simulations that consider a range of climate policies and regional hydroclimate changes out to 2050. For many developing nations, water demand increases due to population growth and economic activity have a much stronger effect on water stress than climate change. By 2050, economic growth and population change alone can lead to an additional 1.8 billion people living under at least moderate water stress, with 80% of these located in developing countries. Uncertain regional climate change can play a secondary role to either exacerbate or dampen the increase in water stress. The strongest climate impacts on water stress are observed in Africa, but strong impacts also occur over Europe, Southeast Asia, and North America. The combined effects of socioeconomic growth and uncertain climate change lead to a 1.0–1.3 billion increase of the world’s 2050 projected population living with overly exploited water conditions—where total potential water requirements will consistently exceed surface water supply. This would imply that adaptive measures would be taken to meet these surface water shortfalls and include: water-use efficiency, reduced and/or redirected consumption, recurrent periods of water emergencies or curtailments, groundwater depletion, additional interbasin transfers, and overdraw from flow intended to maintain environmental requirements.

© 2014 the authors

Greenhouse gas (GHG) restrictions implemented by some nations can increase emissions in nations without climate policies. Leakage of emissions can occur via at least two channels. First, climate policies reduce fossil fuel prices which result in increased energy consumption in countries without restrictions. Second, energy-intensive production in countries without GHG restrictions can increase at the expense of energy-intensive production in countries with climate policies. The second form of leakage highlights competitiveness issues that arise when a subset of nations restricts emissions.

© 2012 Oxford University Press

We use an economy-wide model to estimate the impact of a representative climate policy on fuel prices and economic activity, and a partial equilibrium model of the aviation industry to estimate changes in aviation carbon dioxide emissions and operations. Between 2012 and 2050, with reference demand growth benchmarked to ICAO/GIACC (2009) forecasts, we find that aviation emissions increase by 130 per cent. In our policy scenarios, emissions increase by between 103 per cent and 123 per cent. Under the assumptions in our analysis, aviation contributes to climate policy targets by funding emissions reductions in sectors with less costly abatement options.

© 2013 Journal of Transport Economics and Policy

We estimate the impact of additional costs imposed on airlines by the European Union (EU) Emissions Trading System (ETS) on tourist arrivals in 26 Caribbean states. At an EU emission allowance price of €10, we find that the policy will, on average, increase return airfares from Europe to the Caribbean by $17 for indirect flights and $21 for direct flights. These price changes reduce region-wide arrivals to the Caribbean from the EU by between 1.4% and 2%, and decrease total arrivals (from all regions) by less than 0.4%. The decrease in total arrivals is the largest for Martinique (1.7%), and relatively large decreases are also predicted for Antigua and Barbuda, Bonaire, Barbados, Curacao, and Suriname. We conclude that the EU ETS will have a moderate impact on visitor arrivals relative to the United Kingdom's Air Passenger Duty (APD) and the European financial crisis.

© 2013 Sage Journals

We estimate the economic impacts on US airlines that may arise from the inclusion of aviation in the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme from 2012 to 2020. We find that the Scheme would only have a small impact on US airlines and emissions, and that aviation operations would continue to grow. If carriers pass on all additional costs, including the opportunity costs associated with free allowances, to consumers, profits for US carriers will increase. Windfall gains from free allowances may be substantial because, under current allocation rules, airlines would only have to purchase about a third of the required allowances. However, an increase in the proportion of allowances auctioned would reduce windfall gains and profits for US airlines may decline.

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